A grand scandal is about to break out in Montenegro. A parliamentary election that will have a decisive meaning for the country’s citizens is scheduled to take place in this small Balkan state on October, 16. The election results will determine Montenegro’s development vector for years to come, as the newly elected Parliament will decide whether Montenegro would join NATO and whether the country’s permanent leader Milo Djukanovic will stay in power.
Last year did not go smooth on Djukanovic and his followers from the Democratic Party of Socialists. Numerous protracted protests have shown the unpopularity of the ruling elite among Montenegrin citizens. Milo Djukanovic was near failure, if not only for a few votes of the Albanian native MP’s during this years’ January vote of confidence.
Djukanovic has been directly or indirectly ruling the country since 1991, i.e. for 25 years. But perhaps this year is the first time when his party’s chances of winning the election are very low, the opposition feels emboldened and is gaining political ground fast.
Uncertainty of his power seems to compel Djukanovic to search for every option, even quite dubious ones, to provide him the necessary result.
Reliable sources in the European Commission have informed me that for the past few weeks they have been very busy with Montenegro’s voter lists. European officials are trying to match the country’s demographic data with the voter lists provided by Montenegro’s Ministry of Internal Affairs. And they just can’t get through with it. Concerned with the numbers mismatch the experts of the European Commission have sounded the alarm.
For example, Montenegro’s population as of August 1, 2016 was 622,833 and 465,974 of them were above 18 y.o. which is the voting age limit.
Following the simple logic one can presume that these are the citizens that compile the electoral register. However, this is not the case. According to Montenegro’s Ministry of Internal Affairs there are 529,993 citizens included in the list.
Thus it means that there are almost 64,000 virtual, nonexistent, fictional citizens of voting age living in Montenegro.
An analysis of Montenegro’s eligible voting population number with the number of Montenegrin citizens offers even more amazing results.
Of the 465,974 Montenegrins of voting age 3,873 hold dual citizenship and 23,946 are citizens of other countries. Thus, there are only 438,191 eligible voters in Montenegro. And the discrepancy with the number of voters added to voting lists makes 91,802 persons.
Comparison of the country’s population and the number of voters in municipalities sometimes shows absurd results:
Bielo Polje municipality: population – 44,292 with 40,675 voters, which is almost the entire population of municipality!
Rozaje municipality: population – 23,170 with 21,893 voters;
Ulcinj municipality: population – 20,063 with 19,760 voters.
A reasonable question to ask would be where have all the children and teenagers gone?
The Plav municipality shows the most incredible results with 12,741 people living in the area and nothing short of 13,741 voters registered. This means that there are a thousand more voters than residents.
Brussels has a similar analysis for all the regions of Montenegro. And the numbers are very odd. I’ll publish more of this data as soon as possible.
To conclude I would like to present some more statistic very distinctive for Montenegro under Djukanovic’s rule. The country’s population grew by 10,848 people for the period from 1990 to 2016. And the number of voters grew by 127,132 people in the same time.
Maybe Djucanovic’s political longetivity lies in these numbers?
Brussels has almost no doubt that Djukanovic has prepared ground for a “correct” holding of elections during the time of his rule. The significant difference between the real number of citizens and the number of fictional voters seems to be nothing short of forgery and falsification by the the authorities to reach their goals.
European Commission intends to study this case very thoroughly. And “Dracula’s Blog” will carefully monitor the development of the investigation.